City on Fire: The Fight for Hong Kong

4.5 stars rounded up. Brilliantly written by someone who was not reporting on from the outside, but keeps the memory of being teargassed in various places. It took me two months to finish it, as there are lots of information to digest and ponder. <br /><br />Might write longer review when I have the energy but let me say if you want to read about Hong Kong's 2019 anti government protests but could not follow every news, this is highly recommended. Its somber end note was rather troubling, but I guess we'll see later since it's too early to tell the impact.

This is essential reading on the subject of Hong Kong and the protests of 2019. Dapiran is uniquely positioned to tell the story as a lawyer and journalist with some twenty years experience (and residence) in the territory. I've reviewed this in the Sydney Review of Books online at <a target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow" href="https://sydneyreviewofbooks.com/review/dapiran-city-on-fire/">https://sydneyreviewofbooks.com/revie...</a>

A detailed record with analysis of the 2019 protests of Hong Kong, with bits of Hong Kong history and socio-political context scattered throughout the book. The author has a very deep understanding about Hong Kong’s history and socio-political circumstances. That’s why he can explain the cause of events very well. At the same time, he provides a perspective of an English speaker who understands the sentiments of Hong Kong people, providing a more in-depth analysis rather than just looking at the incidents by themselves. Kudos to using jyutping as well.<br /><br />By analysing the protest in terms of space, the author mentioned a very interesting concept: "deconstructing" the city. Throughout this protest, traditional concepts regarding political and personal life were separated, that they were happening in different "space". Comparing the 2014 and 2019 protests is very helpful in understanding the nature of the protests. As the author mentioned, back in 2014, protests happen in occupied zones. In those zones, new communities are created, but it exists like a bubble full of utopian ideals. Once you get out of the occupied zones, daily life continues in the normal sense. This creates a split between political and personal lives, and is one of the reasons why the 2014 Umbrella Movement is somehow doomed to fail.<br /><br />But in the 2019 protests, especially in July, protesters organize rallies in new routes, bringing protests to each district. Traditionally, marches are held on Hong Kong Island, always following the same route from Victoria Park to Admiralty. Throughout June, most events also happened on Hong Kong Island. This geographical separation of Hong Kong Island as "where the politics happen" (partly due to historical reasons) is also strengthened by the location of the Government Office, the Legislative Council Building, the Court of Final Appeal and Liason Office of the Central People's Government. All located on Hong Kong Island. <br /><br />It is interesting that when in June we are struggling with a city-wide depression and loss of direction, in July we are attempting to break the line between protest and daily lives, by bringing protests to the neighbourhood. July 7 march is significant in this sense, it is the first time a large-scale rally happened outside Hong Kong Island, on the other side of the Victoria Harbour (literally). Throughout July, different organizers negotiated and organized weekly rallies in every district, this is the beginning of <i>Pindei hoifaa</i> (遍地開花).<br /><br />It was after the success of bringing protests to the neighbourhoods that protesters start to bring protests into malls. Malls, as the author has explained, is a very communal space where daily life happens. With incidents like July 14, where the police barge into shopping malls and even residential buildings, we start to question, "whose rights and whose city?"<br /><br /><i> Marxist geographer David Harvey has argued that the more important aspect of the right to the city is not merely a physical right of access but a collective right to participate in the continuing production of the urban space, a right to 'reinvent the city more after our hearts' desire'. To see the right to the city in this way neutralizes the question of mutually conflicting claims of right of access to the city's spaces, and gives way to an expression of desire rather than a territorial claim, a right of democratic participation. In Hong Kong, a city ruled in effect by an alliance between the local government, the Beijing authorities, and the city's all-powerful real estate tycoons, the system by its very design excludes the people from participating in the production of their urban space.</i><br /><br />Throughout the months of protests, HongKongers start to think about our role and our place in the city, an emerging sense of community and civic duty. Prior to 2019, partly due to the 'failure' of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, many youngsters claim to be politically apathetic, because there is a strong sense of hopelessness. Life and politics were separated and many don't want to care about 'politics'. But after participating in these months of protests, we understand that politics and daily life cannot be separated. Life is full of politics and politics will affect every facet of our lives. By bringing protests to the community and into the communal spaces, with the involvement of "gaai fong" (街坊), we put this idea into reality, we successfully blend our political lives with our daily lives both virtually and in reality. <br /><br />In the process of "deconstructing" the city, we invented new meanings for places that used to be only passages between places, for example footbridges and subways. By turning these communal spaces into Lennon walls, we successfully created a bond in the community, a common place where people's voices can be seen, breaking through the echo chambers of the internet and respective social circles. This is supposed to be an improvement, however, the government and pro-government people do not welcome this community-bonding. They view this as destroying social harmony (ironically), and a threat to the government authority. Thus, these communal Lennon Walls became the battleground between protesters and pro-government supporters. Protesters posting propaganda or messages on Lennon Walls may be under the threat of attack from pro-government supporters, or being arrested by the police. Even after the landslide victory in the District Council, when councillors proposed to set up permanent Lennon Walls in the community, they are faced with strong opposition from the Home Affairs Department. The struggle of Hong Kong is still an uphill battle. <br /><br />Moving on to September, October and November, protests continued to escalate and the government used all tactics to try to suppress the community. Utilizing every way they could get their hands on, including colonial laws, the government proved itself to be no different from a colonial government, one that pays no attention to the people's voices. From January, protests stalled due to the outbreak of the Wuhan Coronavirus. But it is unquestionable that as soon as the pandemic is curbed, protests will start again. <br /><br />Recently, we have been starting to see the effects of the 2019 protests. From the landslide victory of Independence-leaning Tsai Ing-wen in the Taiwan Presidential Election, to the adoption of HK protests tactics around the world, to the growing suspicion towards China in the international community... The recent controversy of Chinese targeting Africans, the Mekong River controversy with ASEAN countries, the WHO controversy... China's efforts to global dominion are starting to backfire. I wouldn't relate these directly to Hong Kong protests, but the 2019 protests have certainly revealed how authoritative and controlling China is, and I think that will spark a huge change towards global perception and attitude towards China.<br /><br />The future of Hong Kong is still unknown, but as many Hongkongers didn't expect the Chan Tong-kai murder case will lead to such far-reaching consequences (which we sardonically call the "butterfly effect" of Chan Tong-kai's tragic love story), no one can predict how the future would be like. One thing that Hongkongers learnt from these past months, is that we have to act to write our own future. If we do nothing, the world will never become what we envisioned it to be. But if we take action, we may bring about change. We must take matters into our own hands in order to make the world a better place.<br /><br />各位手足，共勉之。

Wow, I finished a book! ...... This was a really nice intro to the 2019 Hong Kong protests... And super interesting to read right now, in light of the resistance to police brutality and state violence that has spread across the US. I love the passion, creativity, and courage Hong Kongers exhibited as they have redefined their city. Need to read more and stay current!!

<u>Pre-review:</u><br />Can we have this book now instead of next year?<br /><br /><u>Note@11/06/2023</u><br /><br />I am reading it very slowly because reading about 2019 is still upsetting enough for me.<br /><br />More to come.<br /><br />Hong Kong 2019 Protests Books List: <a target="_blank" rel="noopener nofollow" href="https://www.goodreads.com/list/show/155102">https://www.goodreads.com/list/show/1...</a>

City on Fire <i>by Antony Dapiran, a lawyer and writer, offers a firsthand analysis and description of one of the 21st century's most significant struggles. China's authoritarian interference in Hong Kong was met by a unique and unprecedented popular uprising. This book provides a clear narrative and frontline perspective of a complex issue. It is the most comprehensive book about the Hong Kong protests from a professional observer.</i><br /><b>Ai Weiwei</b><br /><br /><i>The events that have rocked Hong Kong over 2019 have bewildered and surprised people inside and outside the city. This is a timely, well-informed attempt to make sense of everything that has happened - critically important in view of the confusion, and contention, that this event has caused.</i><br /><b>Professor Kerry Brown, Director, Lau China Institute, King’s College London</b><br /><br /><i>Illuminates every phase, trigger and turning point, skirmish and tactic in what became ‘a fight for the very soul of the city’.</i><br /><b>Bron Sibree, <i>South China Morning Post</i></b><br /><br /><i>His scrupulous account looks at the history, the legal dimensions and the likely future for the region under Beijing.</i> <b>FIVE STARS<br />Robyn Douglass, <i>The Advertiser</i></b><br /><br /><i>Excellent reportage that is of critical importance in understanding contemporary Chinese politics.</i> <b>STARRED REVIEW</b><br /><b> <i>Kirkus Reviews</i> </b><br /><br /><i>[A]n engaged and authoritative account of the movement.</i><br /><b>Linda Jaivin, <i>Sydney Review of Books</i></b><br /><br /><i>It gives a sense of immediacy and lived experience which is powerful and compelling; there is a rawness to passages of the book, and a sense of the unresolved trauma that last summer marked.</i><br /><b> <i>Asian Review of Books</i> </b><br /><br /><i>Dapiran shows how the protests brought worldwide attention to Hong Kong and civil liberties in an autonomous region. Readers will appreciate how the author places the events of 2019 in the context of earlier episodes in Hong Kong’s history such as the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the 1967 riots. This fascinating read is essential for anyone interested in the current affairs of Hong Kong, specifically, and China, generally.</i> <b>STARRED REVIEW<br /><i>Library Journal</i></b><br /><br />City on Fire <i>is Dapiran's follow-up to his earlier book about the Umbrella Movement in 2014. The much-longer sequel is deeply personal, based on riveting first-hand accounts and historical insights on the turmoil that erupted last summer. It is helpful that Dapiran, who is impressively versed in the nuances of Hong Kong's local dialect and culture, was present at both watershed moments.</i><br /><b> <i>Reuters, BreakingViews</i> </b><br /><br /><i>[M]agnificent … [A] gifted writer who tells a compelling story of what the protesters have been up against, what they are fighting for, and how their tactics and goals have evolved over time … In addition to his strong descriptive powers, the author shows a keen understanding of human psychology and sociology, which adds another layer of depth to the reader’s understanding of the urgency of the demonstrations.</i><br /><b> <i>National Review</i> </b><br /><br />City on Fire <i>provides a clear and authoritative account of the unfolding events, well-seated in Hong Kongese history, culture, and politics.</i><br /><b>David Ferrell, <i>The Canberra Times</i></b><br /><br /><i>Readers interested in Hong Kong’s history and politics and the history of social movements will find this engaging, engrossing book to be crucial in understanding the role of political demonstration in contemporary Hong Kong.</i><br /><b> <i>Booklist</i> </b><br /><br /><i>In smooth, heady prose that blends legal scholarship with the romanticism of a battle for independence, Dapiran shows … a city unhinged, on the verge of breakdown.</i><br /><b> <i>Japan Times</i> </b><br /><br /><i>Antony Dapiran’s </i>City on Fire<i> combines relentless on-the-ground reporting with a deep understanding of the city’s political, economic and social undercurrents … Dapiran’s style is energetic and vivid, transporting the reader to the middle of a riot police baton charge or a panicked, tear-gassed crowd capturing the broad community support and new-found solidarity of the movement in a city that had a reputation for being cold and distant.</i><br /><b>Sue-Lin Wong, <i>Financial Times</i></b><br /><br /><i>Dapiran goes right to the frontline to capture the unrest that plagued Hong Kong in 2019. He writes with journalistic prowess of what he witnessed among protestors and police, the tension mounting in each chapter.</i><br /><b>Will Higginbotham, <i>Australian Book Review</i></b><br /><br /><i>In </i>City on Fire<i>, Antony Dapiran gives a rousing account of the protest movement from its beginnings in 2014 to the long showdowns in 2019 … Dapiran takes readers through the streets, alleyways, and subways of the city alongside the black-clad, yellow-hardhat-wearing, gas-masked protesters. He gets inside their skin, signing in to Telegram, an online social network used by the protesters to organise. Because Dapiran is with the crowds, he describes with great verve how the protesters operate without leaders, instead moving ‘like water’ to pop up and then evade the police.</i><br /><b>Jane Perlez, <i>Foreign Affairs</i></b><br /><br /><i>What sets </i>City on Fire<i> apart most from books on both Beijing’s 1989 and Hong Kong’s 2019 is the unique mix of skills and experiences of its author. To say that Dapiran was well positioned to write </i>City on Fire<i> is the height of understatement — and not just because he did graduate work in Chinese cultural studies and wrote </i>City of Protest<i>. He spent day after day on the streets between June and November of 2019, a constant observer of everything from a vigil-like march by lawyers clad in black on 6 June (held to symbolise the idea that the extradition bill’s implementation would sound the death knell of judicial independence and true rule of law), to clashes months later between frustrated protesters and police itching for confrontation.</i><br /><b>Jeffrey Wasserstrom, <i>Mekong Review</i></b><br /><br /><i>[A]n eloquent close-up account.</i><br /><b>Barbara Demick, <i>The New York Review</i></b><br /><br /><i>In his book </i>City on Fire<i>, an eloquent up-close account, Antony Dapiran is as focused on the aesthetics of the protests as on their political meaning. Hong Kong protesters, he observes admiringly, come up with the cleverest puns and make brilliant use of lanterns, candles, laser pointers, and Post-it Notes … He sees in the exceptionally rich protest culture a mash-up of themes from Hollywood action movies, Cantonese pop music, Japanese anime, and classical Chinese mythology.</i><br /><b>Barbara Demick, <i>New York Review of Books</i></b>

Several books have already been written about the 2019 Hong Kong protests, covering different angles. This one from longtime HK resident Antony Dapiran – a journalist and lawyer who spent a lot of time covering the front lines – is an eyewitness chronicle of the protests, from the introduction of the extradition bill that started it to the Battle of PolyU and the District Council elections. <br /><br />If you’re looking for in-depth interviews and analysis of what happened and why, this is not that book – and in fairness, it’s too soon for that. But Dapiran did speak to some protesters and experts, and he does offer a critical eye to both the protests and the government/police response, as well as the sociopolitical impact on Hong Kong society. He also connects the dots between the 2019 protests and the 2014 Umbrella Movement. His particular strength is in the legal analysis of the extradition issue and the government’s legal justifications for its actions under the Basic Law. Some his speculation on ‘what happens next’ has not aged well, but some of it has, and no one saw COVID-19 or the National Security Law coming (at least not in the way it actually happened), so it’s unfair to be too critical.<br /><br />It’s kind of a strange feeling to read a book covering events that you’ve lived through just six months ago, and are still dealing with the repercussions. But it’s a different experience to live it in real time, where daily events flash by and you have no idea what’s coming next vs reading about it with all the information in one place. That alone made it a worthwhile read for me – that and Dapiran tells the story well. Whether it works for others, it’s hard to say – Dapiran tends to make references to incidents that happened earlier chronologically that he didn’t mention previously, which I can follow easily because I remember both the incident and the context, but I’m not sure if people hearing this for the first time might find it confusing. But no matter. If you want to know what happened in HK in 2019, this is an essential starting point.

This was a very good book. <br /><br />Important and interesting read on the Hong Kong protests and the story behind the clash. <br /><br />Fascinating, I highly recommend. <br /><br />4.8/5

City on Fire <i>by Antony Dapiran, a lawyer and writer, offers a firsthand analysis and description of one of the 21st century's most significant struggles. China's authoritarian interference in Hong Kong was met by a unique and unprecedented popular uprising. This book provides a clear narrative and frontline perspective of a complex issue. It is the most comprehensive book about the Hong Kong protests from a professional observer.</i><br /><b>Ai Weiwei</b><br /><br /><i>The events that have rocked Hong Kong over 2019 have bewildered and surprised people inside and outside the city. This is a timely, well-informed attempt to make sense of everything that has happened - critically important in view of the confusion, and contention, that this event has caused.</i><br /><b>Professor Kerry Brown, Director, Lau China Institute, King’s College London</b><br /><br /><i>Illuminates every phase, trigger and turning point, skirmish and tactic in what became ‘a fight for the very soul of the city’.</i><br /><b>Bron Sibree, <i>South China Morning Post</i></b><br /><br /><i>His scrupulous account looks at the history, the legal dimensions and the likely future for the region under Beijing.</i> <b>FIVE STARS<br />Robyn Douglass, <i>The Advertiser</i></b><br /><br /><i>Excellent reportage that is of critical importance in understanding contemporary Chinese politics.</i> <b>STARRED REVIEW</b><br /><b> <i>Kirkus Reviews</i> </b><br /><br /><i>[A]n engaged and authoritative account of the movement.</i><br /><b>Linda Jaivin, <i>Sydney Review of Books</i></b><br /><br /><i>It gives a sense of immediacy and lived experience which is powerful and compelling; there is a rawness to passages of the book, and a sense of the unresolved trauma that last summer marked.</i><br /><b> <i>Asian Review of Books</i> </b><br /><br /><i>Dapiran shows how the protests brought worldwide attention to Hong Kong and civil liberties in an autonomous region. Readers will appreciate how the author places the events of 2019 in the context of earlier episodes in Hong Kong’s history such as the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the 1967 riots. This fascinating read is essential for anyone interested in the current affairs of Hong Kong, specifically, and China, generally.</i> <b>STARRED REVIEW<br /><i>Library Journal</i></b><br /><br />City on Fire <i>is Dapiran's follow-up to his earlier book about the Umbrella Movement in 2014. The much-longer sequel is deeply personal, based on riveting first-hand accounts and historical insights on the turmoil that erupted last summer. It is helpful that Dapiran, who is impressively versed in the nuances of Hong Kong's local dialect and culture, was present at both watershed moments.</i><br /><b> <i>Reuters, BreakingViews</i> </b><br /><br /><i>[M]agnificent … [A] gifted writer who tells a compelling story of what the protesters have been up against, what they are fighting for, and how their tactics and goals have evolved over time … In addition to his strong descriptive powers, the author shows a keen understanding of human psychology and sociology, which adds another layer of depth to the reader’s understanding of the urgency of the demonstrations.</i><br /><b> <i>National Review</i> </b><br /><br />City on Fire <i>provides a clear and authoritative account of the unfolding events, well-seated in Hong Kongese history, culture, and politics.</i><br /><b>David Ferrell, <i>The Canberra Times</i></b><br /><br /><i>Readers interested in Hong Kong’s history and politics and the history of social movements will find this engaging, engrossing book to be crucial in understanding the role of political demonstration in contemporary Hong Kong.</i><br /><b> <i>Booklist</i> </b><br /><br /><i>In smooth, heady prose that blends legal scholarship with the romanticism of a battle for independence, Dapiran shows … a city unhinged, on the verge of breakdown.</i><br /><b> <i>Japan Times</i> </b><br /><br /><i>Antony Dapiran’s </i>City on Fire<i> combines relentless on-the-ground reporting with a deep understanding of the city’s political, economic and social undercurrents … Dapiran’s style is energetic and vivid, transporting the reader to the middle of a riot police baton charge or a panicked, tear-gassed crowd capturing the broad community support and new-found solidarity of the movement in a city that had a reputation for being cold and distant.</i><br /><b>Sue-Lin Wong, <i>Financial Times</i></b><br /><br /><i>Dapiran goes right to the frontline to capture the unrest that plagued Hong Kong in 2019. He writes with journalistic prowess of what he witnessed among protestors and police, the tension mounting in each chapter.</i><br /><b>Will Higginbotham, <i>Australian Book Review</i></b><br /><br /><i>In </i>City on Fire<i>, Antony Dapiran gives a rousing account of the protest movement from its beginnings in 2014 to the long showdowns in 2019 … Dapiran takes readers through the streets, alleyways, and subways of the city alongside the black-clad, yellow-hardhat-wearing, gas-masked protesters. He gets inside their skin, signing in to Telegram, an online social network used by the protesters to organise. Because Dapiran is with the crowds, he describes with great verve how the protesters operate without leaders, instead moving ‘like water’ to pop up and then evade the police.</i><br /><b>Jane Perlez, <i>Foreign Affairs</i></b><br /><br /><i>What sets </i>City on Fire<i> apart most from books on both Beijing’s 1989 and Hong Kong’s 2019 is the unique mix of skills and experiences of its author. To say that Dapiran was well positioned to write </i>City on Fire<i> is the height of understatement — and not just because he did graduate work in Chinese cultural studies and wrote </i>City of Protest<i>. He spent day after day on the streets between June and November of 2019, a constant observer of everything from a vigil-like march by lawyers clad in black on 6 June (held to symbolise the idea that the extradition bill’s implementation would sound the death knell of judicial independence and true rule of law), to clashes months later between frustrated protesters and police itching for confrontation.</i><br /><b>Jeffrey Wasserstrom, <i>Mekong Review</i></b><br /><br /><i>In his book </i>City on Fire<i>, an eloquent up-close account, Antony Dapiran is as focused on the aesthetics of the protests as on their political meaning. Hong Kong protesters, he observes admiringly, come up with the cleverest puns and make brilliant use of lanterns, candles, laser pointers, and Post-it Notes … He sees in the exceptionally rich protest culture a mash-up of themes from Hollywood action movies, Cantonese pop music, Japanese anime, and classical Chinese mythology.</i><br /><b>Barbara Demick, <i>New York Review of Books</i></b>

Relatively recently, I was talking to an American acquaintance about their local politics, and mentioned that, to me, there seemed to be an obvious solution for two relatively significant problems regarding territorial divides. Puerto Ricans want statehood and all its benefits, so make Puerto Rico a state, I said; conversely, native Hawaiʻians <i>don’t</i> want their land to be occupied by America and Americans, so strip Hawaiʻi of its unwanted statedom. This would tidily resolve both the question of what to do with those territories and also the question of whether or not another star should be added to the flag (something that, I’m told, many Americans either legitimately care about or at least pretend is incredibly important to them). My American acquaintance was aghast. Get <i>rid</i> of Hawaiʻi? But Hawaiʻi brings in a significant amount of government revenue via its tourism industry, to say nothing of the natural resources found there! Setting free Hawaiʻi would cost so much money!<br /><br />I’m automatically sceptical of set-ups like this one, where some old* white guy from Australia writes a book targeted at Westerners about the situation in some “Oriental” nation, Hong Kong in this case, but Antony Dapiran is not only knowledgeable about the situation (having been present and participatory) but also refreshingly respectful of Hong Kong’s ongoing struggle against Chinese government control.<br /><br />From my perspective, as someone who is decidedly not anywhere close to being a head of state or government, it appears obvious that many problems can be de-escalated by allowing people to have basic human rights, including the right to self-govern if so chosen. Obviously, dictatorships like China (thankfully not the US—<i>yet</i>) are, by their very nature, controlled by people who are fundamentally incapable of allowing other people to have what they view as rightfully theirs. It’s not just that China’s acknowledgement of the fact that Hong Kong, which has not been functionally part of the mainland for arguably well over a century at this point, not only does not want to be part of China but also has been doing quite reasonably as its own polity thus far, would mean that China would lose money. It’s more about the principle of the thing: Xi Jinping, who is a power-hungry and insecure autocrat, does not want to admit (real or perceived) weakness. This is why China has been so vicious about sending its minority ethnic- and religious populations off to death camps. This is why China has banned most non-Chinese social media and heavily censored its own to the point that even mentionning events such as the Tiananmen Square massacre will result in censorship, investigation, and likely worse. This is why China has been so aggressive towards autonomous regions such as Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.<br /><br />One of the reasons that conservative governments are (thankfully!) destined to fail, and almost always fail dramatically, is because that selfish need to grasp at whatever vestiges of power can be sucked from the marrow of skeletons induces a fatal paranoia. Every totalitarian and/or fascist government in history has been doomed by this very same flaw. If you can’t trust anyone, because any- and everyone would kill you if given the chance to take your place, you’ll never be able to maintain a stable society. Of course, there are real people who are suffering under the inhumane conditions a conservative government such as China’s will inevitably impose on its own citizens. Perhaps ironically, this was the exact sort of environment which begat the Cultural Revolution, around the same time Xi Jinping himself was born. The cycle repeats ad infinitum unless we are wise enough to prevent it.<br /><br />*Admittedly he wasn’t as old when he first moved to Hong Kong in 1999.